{"id":41760,"date":"2026-03-06T12:50:50","date_gmt":"2026-03-06T12:50:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/arriyada.net\/fr\/?p=41760"},"modified":"2026-03-06T12:50:50","modified_gmt":"2026-03-06T12:50:50","slug":"sahel-les-limites-dune-reponse-exclusivement-securitaire","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/arriyada.net\/fr\/?p=41760","title":{"rendered":"Sahel : les limites d\u2019une r\u00e9ponse exclusivement s\u00e9curitaire"},"content":{"rendered":"

L\u2019ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 demeure \u00e9lev\u00e9e au Sahel et les attaques se poursuivent dans plusieurs pays de la r\u00e9gion. L\u2019Union africaine et la CEDEAO misent sur le renforcement des dispositifs militaires, tandis que le d\u00e9bat s\u2019ouvre sur les limites d\u2019une r\u00e9ponse centr\u00e9e principalement sur la force.<\/strong><\/p>\n

En f\u00e9vrier 2026 \u00e0 Addis-Abeba, les chefs d\u2019\u00c9tat africains ont plac\u00e9 la lutte contre le terrorisme au centre de leurs priorit\u00e9s. Quelques jours plus tard \u00e0 Freetown, les chefs d\u2019\u00c9tat-major de la CEDEAO ont \u00e9voqu\u00e9 l\u2019activation et le financement de la force r\u00e9gionale en attente, confirmant que la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 reste l\u2019urgence. Cette orientation refl\u00e8te la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 du terrain. Le Sahel concentre plus de la moiti\u00e9 des d\u00e9c\u00e8s mondiaux li\u00e9s au terrorisme et les attaques se poursuivent au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger. Les groupes arm\u00e9s adaptent leurs tactiques et exploitent les zones o\u00f9 l\u2019administration demeure faible, ce qui pousse les autorit\u00e9s \u00e0 faire de la s\u00e9curisation des territoires un pr\u00e9alable \u00e0 la restauration durable de l\u2019autorit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00c9tat.<\/p>\n

L\u2019argument est compr\u00e9hensible. Sans s\u00e9curit\u00e9 minimale, ni \u00e9cole ni centre de sant\u00e9 ne fonctionnent durablement. Les axes commerciaux restent expos\u00e9s. L\u2019aide humanitaire circule difficilement. Les arm\u00e9es sont devenues le premier rempart visible face \u00e0 la progression des groupes arm\u00e9s.<\/p>\n

Au-del\u00e0 du militaire<\/p>\n

L\u2019exp\u00e9rience d\u2019autres pays montre cependant les limites d\u2019une approche strictement s\u00e9curitaire. En Afghanistan, deux d\u00e9cennies d\u2019intervention arm\u00e9e internationale n\u2019ont pas produit une stabilit\u00e9 durable. Malgr\u00e9 un appareil s\u00e9curitaire consid\u00e9rable, les institutions sont rest\u00e9es fragiles et le retrait a r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 cette faiblesse. En Irak, la d\u00e9faite territoriale de l\u2019organisation \u00c9tat islamique en 2017 n\u2019a pas emp\u00each\u00e9 la persistance de cellules clandestines. Les causes politiques et sociales n\u2019ont pas disparu. En Somalie, malgr\u00e9 plus de quinze ans d\u2019engagement militaire r\u00e9gional, la menace des Shebab demeure active, notamment dans les zones o\u00f9 la gouvernance locale reste d\u00e9faillante.<\/p>\n

Ces pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents nourrissent une r\u00e9flexion plus large sur l\u2019\u00e9quilibre entre r\u00e9ponse militaire et consolidation politique. Les gains obtenus sur le terrain peuvent s\u2019\u00e9roder lorsque les institutions ne suivent pas.<\/p>\n

Le regard des chercheurs<\/p>\n

Plusieurs sp\u00e9cialistes du Sahel tirent un constat similaire. Le politologue Marc-Antoine P\u00e9rouse de Montclos estime que la militarisation progressive de la r\u00e9gion n\u2019a pas emp\u00each\u00e9 l\u2019extension g\u00e9ographique des groupes arm\u00e9s et que l\u2019absence de r\u00e9formes politiques cr\u00e9dibles fragilise les avanc\u00e9es obtenues. Niagal\u00e9 Bagayoko souligne que la r\u00e9forme du secteur de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 et la responsabilisation des forces arm\u00e9es sont indispensables pour restaurer la confiance entre l\u2019\u00c9tat et les populations. De son c\u00f4t\u00e9, Bakary Sambe, directeur du Timbuktu Institute, rappelle que les groupes arm\u00e9s prosp\u00e8rent dans des contextes marqu\u00e9s par des fractures sociales, la marginalisation territoriale et un d\u00e9ficit de gouvernance. Selon lui, la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 ne peut \u00eatre dissoci\u00e9e de l\u2019inclusion politique et de la coh\u00e9sion sociale.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ces analyses trouvent un \u00e9cho dans le d\u00e9bat malien. Housseini Amion Guindo estime que r\u00e9duire la crise \u00e0 la seule dimension terroriste revient \u00e0 n\u00e9gliger ses aspects politiques et institutionnels. Yeah Samak\u00e9 insiste sur la primaut\u00e9 des institutions et la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de contre-pouvoirs solides. Aucun ne minimise la menace s\u00e9curitaire, mais tous deux contestent son exclusivit\u00e9 comme cl\u00e9 d\u2019explication.<\/p>\n

Contraintes budg\u00e9taires<\/p>\n

La question financi\u00e8re alimente \u00e9galement la r\u00e9flexion. Dans plusieurs pays sah\u00e9liens, les d\u00e9penses militaires augmentent sous la pression des combats, tandis que les finances publiques restent limit\u00e9es. Lorsque la part consacr\u00e9e \u00e0 la d\u00e9fense progresse fortement, celle destin\u00e9e \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9ducation, \u00e0 la sant\u00e9 ou \u00e0 l\u2019emploi peut se r\u00e9duire. Or l\u2019acc\u00e8s \u00e0 ces services influence directement la r\u00e9silience des communaut\u00e9s et la capacit\u00e9 des \u00c9tats \u00e0 pr\u00e9venir le recrutement par les groupes arm\u00e9s.<\/p>\n

La CEDEAO \u00e9voque une force r\u00e9gionale mobilisable. L\u2019Union africaine insiste sur un financement plus durable des op\u00e9rations de paix. Ces m\u00e9canismes peuvent am\u00e9liorer la coordination et la r\u00e9activit\u00e9. Ils ne remplacent pas la r\u00e9forme des administrations locales, la lutte contre la corruption ou la r\u00e9solution des conflits communautaires. Les groupes arm\u00e9s trouvent souvent un terrain favorable dans les espaces o\u00f9 l\u2019\u00c9tat est absent ou contest\u00e9.<\/p>\n

Au Sahel, il ne s\u2019agit pas d\u2019opposer les armes aux institutions. La s\u00e9curit\u00e9 est n\u00e9cessaire, mais elle ne suffit pas. Les exp\u00e9riences ailleurs montrent qu\u2019une victoire militaire sans base politique solide reste fragile. La force peut freiner la menace. Elle ne r\u00e8gle pas, \u00e0 elle seule, les causes profondes. Le d\u00e9fi demeure entier pour les \u00c9tats sah\u00e9liens et leurs partenaires.<\/p>\n

Massir\u00e9 DIOP<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

L\u2019ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 demeure \u00e9lev\u00e9e au Sahel et les attaques se poursuivent dans plusieurs pays de la r\u00e9gion. L\u2019Union africaine et la CEDEAO misent sur le renforcement des dispositifs militaires, tandis que le d\u00e9bat s\u2019ouvre sur les limites d\u2019une r\u00e9ponse centr\u00e9e principalement sur la force. En f\u00e9vrier 2026 \u00e0 Addis-Abeba, les chefs d\u2019\u00c9tat africains ont plac\u00e9 la […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":41761,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[117,971],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-41760","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-afrique","category-opinion"],"yoast_head":"\nSahel : les limites d\u2019une r\u00e9ponse exclusivement s\u00e9curitaire - Arriyada<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"L\u2019ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 demeure \u00e9lev\u00e9e au Sahel et les attaques se poursuivent dans plusieurs pays de la r\u00e9gion. 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